By Marie Eileen Francois
Pairing the examine of loved ones intake with an in depth research of the increase of personal and public pawnbroking offers an unique context for realizing the function of small enterprise in daily life. Marie Eileen Francois weighs colonial reforms, liberal laws, and social revolution when it comes to their effect on families and pawning businesses.
Based on proof from pawnshop inventories, censuses, laws, petitions, literature, and newspapers, A tradition of daily Credit portrays families, small companies, and executive entities as intersecting arenas in a single fabric global, an international strapped for funds all through lots of the century and became the wrong way up through the Mexican Revolution.
Read or Download A Culture of Everyday Credit: Housekeeping, Pawnbroking, and Governance in Mexico City, 1750-1920 (Engendering Latin America) PDF
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Additional resources for A Culture of Everyday Credit: Housekeeping, Pawnbroking, and Governance in Mexico City, 1750-1920 (Engendering Latin America)
As was true for other Enlightenment thinkers, the Spanish liberal Benito Gerónimo Feijóo y Montenegro pushed for expansion of women’s education in order to enhance this modern motherhood. ∞Ω While these schools expanded female education, they reinforced class and ethnic di√erences among women and the patriarchal social order. The Bourbon state also attempted to expand female job opportunities. Women owned half of the small cigar-making enterprises in the city, and a third of the cigar labor force was female, before the crown established a monopoly on tobacco growing and product manufacturing.
Displaying wealth, eating wheat bread, and securing legitimation certiﬁcates were all strategies that, like pawning, were used in the formation and maintenance of Creole identities and in the defense of honor and status in the taxing late colonial period. ∑≠ In o≈cial discourse about the Monte de Piedad’s mission, the reality that access to its services was restricted to those who had relatively expensive collateral goods was masked by language concerning the indigence of the women who constituted the charitable institution’s clientele.
Three Creole seamstresses, Doña María Ana Ruiz, Doña Vicenta Ruiz, and Doña María Negrin, aged ﬁfty-ﬁve, ﬁfty, and ﬁfty-seven respectively, shared a room with Carlota Mascareñas, a fourteen-year-old mestiza who worked as a cigar maker. π∑ Though no longer virtually the only option, domestic service was the main occupation of women working for wages in Mexico City at the turn of the century, especially casta and Indian women, as seen in the examples above. In 1753 a full 77 percent of female workers were identiﬁed as servants.